חמש על חמש – גלנט ונתניהו

זמן רב יודעים כולם שאת גלנט צריך לספור אצל גנץ.

עכשיו נמצא התירוץ לחבור אליו כשיפרוש.
זמן רב יודעים כולם שאת נתניהו צריך לספור במחנה אוסלו.

שניהם יודעים שאבו מאזן אינו הפתרון.
אבל האחד משתמש בו כתירוץ כדי לחבור אל השמאל, והשני משתמש בו כתירוץ כדי ללכד מאחוריו את הימין.

לשני הצדדים אין חזון ולכן אין להם מושג מה הם בעצם רוצים.

כל שנותר להם הוא לתעתע שוב ושוב בעם המקריב יום יום את בניו בגדולה שבמלחמות השולל.
נרחיב על כך הערב, ב- 5×5.

תמלול השיחה באנגלית:

Moshe Feiglin interview of reserve soldier Yosef Levran
Moshe: Shalom, Yosef.
Yosef: Shalom, Moshe. How are you?
Moshe: Baruch Hashem. Thank you for speaking with us. And thank you for the courageous step that you’ve taken. I have no doubt that it has been a very hard step for you. And please continue from here, rather than my asking questions. Tell us as you understand it.
Yosef: Since you began by talking about the step I’ve taken, perhaps I’ll give a little background so that everyone listening knows what we’re referring to. A little over two weeks away, I made public a letter that I wrote after receiving a reserve duty emergency draft notice to return to the fighting in Gaza. I wrote my commander that I am not willing to return as long as there continues to be no intention of winning. That this is the situation is an understanding that developed over time, following the three months after the massacre during which I was enlisted, two of which were spent in Gaza, one in Jabaliya, and I’ll speak about the time there. But, basically, the understanding came after I was discharged and I began to understand that there was no intention here to win, that the war is, as I wrote in my letter, a “phony war.”
Moshe: Should I read the letter out loud?
Yosef: I have read it live, so I don’t think that’s necessary .… but the mention the main points: so, this consciousness came. Although I should stress that I wasn’t naïve while I was in Gaza. I had many doubts and I knew that there were many directions in which this could go that would not be good for the people of Israel, but still there was a hope that despite everything reality would be stronger than the politicians and there would be some kind of strategic change. We saw the Azzans who moved from the North to the South, and it seemed there was some kind of a change that could take place, and in the end, we see that, yes, the politicians are trying to be stronger than the reality and it doesn’t matter how much the Azzans want to escape from this, they will run after them until the last one is returned to his house. And the understanding that strengthened in me took form and when I told my commander I was not willing to go back there and I asked to be transferred to the local defense force in my community with the understanding that I want to be a Jew in combat and be sure that I am in a place where I can actually defend my home, and as we saw in the massacre, the so called home front is actually the front line.
Moshe: When you say, you “want to defend your home”, what you mean is that you want to be sure that you actually are defending it.
Yosef: Yes, of course, what I mean is to be sure that I actually am defending it. And, as I said, we saw that the homefront became the front line. And we understand that we haven’t yet stepped out of the “conceptzia” [we haven’t yet shifted our way of thinking about the situation], that the next massacre is around the corner and we have to prioritize the local community defense units. They the correct place to be, in my eyes.
About the step I took, I would like to say a few things from a personal perspective. I wasn’t a blank slate – I was very influenced by you.
Your listeners may be interested in hearing what happened to me as a result of this letter. As might be expected, many people reacted, some of these reactions were very supportive and meaningful to me. Specifically, there was one from a family who had lost their child in combat who despite all their pain and the price they paid, said that they support me in this letter because they understand the reality of the situation, and that touched me very much. And, on the other side, there were people who were critical and who still have a hard time accepting my having taken this step, who have a hard time making the intellectual and emotional switch from the experience of the massive enlistment that swelled up among the people at the start of this war to the understanding that even though this enlistment was right and justified in the beginning stage, everything can be turned upside down and reversed, and a person needs to be awake to this. Not everyone finds it easy to understand and process this.
Personally, I pay a price. And I knew it would be this way and I am aware of it. And it’s not easy for me. I had times – there were periods – let’s say during Corona, when I was also an “outsider”, and I did things that not everyone was doing. But still in this case, there are things in my relations with friends and in my relations with the army and my commanders that are not easy. And it’s hard for me vis-à-vis my comrades who are in Gaza, who are in what’s called the Corridor between the port and the trucks, and I know there is no justification for being there, there is no justification for putting a single soldier there. But even so, given that they are fighting there, and putting themselves in danger there, it’s hard for me not to be with them. And I pay a personal price in —
Moshe: I have to say that if your comrades were in Rafah now, in my opinion, it would be harder.
Yosef: That’s possible, yes.
Moshe: Because what you were supposed to be doing was protecting the supplies that were going to Hamas. And building a port that would bring supplies to Hamas. That’s where it’s going – not a millimeter to the right or left of there. And you’re simply not part of the forces that are supplying the enemy – that’s all.
Yosef: That’s absolutely right. And clearly, that makes it easier for me. And even so, I can tell you, I saw photos that the army spokesman released, and even with their blurring the faces, I could still identify my friends, and it was very hard for me.
Moshe: I don’t think there’s a person who doesn’t understand you and who doesn’t identify with your feelings. It’s completely clear.
Yosef: And beyond that, in terms of the influence of the letter, it’s not that it got a lot of publicity, but I know from conversations with soldiers who are currently in Gaza that this letter influenced them and that they carry a copy of it with them in Gaza, that they think about it all the time, that they have conversations about it, that they try to bring it to the attention of their superior officers, so I do hope that it will have a good influence, and I’m happy about that.
One last thing I want to say about the letter is to other soldiers who are hesitating. I also know that there are “quiet” conscientious objectors in Gaza. It’s not spoken about. But there are entire battalions that refuse to carry out orders to protect the trucks and things like that. They don’t publicly take a position, but they simply request a change in their assignment or their sector. And still, I think there is also value in coming and saying clearly that we are not willing to sacrifice our lives and to die in vain for this thing, for this phony war, for this theatre.
Yes, it’s easier to object to the trucks. But also in Rafah, they understand, that we’re not moving towards victory, that there’s no intention to win, that it’s just another “round”. You know this much better than I do – you speak about this all the time. But I think that this voice needs to be articulated. People need to understand that until soldiers are willing to pay the price and take action, this will not really influence the army and the national policy. So I encourage people to join and to contact me and together we can make a statement, as the reserve soldiers, that we are not willing to do this thing, and that our words will be translated into action.
I will just add one final anecdote that in my mind represents everything: when I was in Gaza, so, of course there was the ultimate price that could be paid, the fears, the danger, the casualties around us, it’s not easy for anyone. So, I will mention my wife, who supported me enormously of course, as did the wives of many of the reserve soldiers – and the moment she said she was afraid was not when I was in the heart of Gaza, but rather it was the moment when she realized that it could all be for nothing. At that moment, she said, I am not willing for you to die for nothing. And that is what really, stayed in my mind, and was a real turning point. So, that’s all about my letter.
Moshe: First of all, she of course was right. They usually are right, you know. And I want to say to you that I believe that by this action of yours, you contributed more to the people of Israel than in all your military service. In other words – this was the highpoint of your service. I have no doubt about this. Because the war now is not against Hamas. And not against any other enemy. The war now is a reflection of a sorting or a clarification within ourselves, examining our inability to win, and now our cooperation with and feeding of the enemy. Something unheard of. Supplying the enemy. Unbelievable. And the wheels of this game are greased all the time by the sacrifice of the soldiers, who don’t want to burn their bridges with the army and abandon their comrades in arms.
And above them are a bunch of politicians without vision and without any basic understanding of what they are doing here in this land, who have completely lost any sense of direction, and who continue to force their vacuity and aimlessness on more and more casualties.
Yosef – nods
Moshe continues: Are there questions for Yosef? Let’s go. The audience wants to ask. Amit Mizrachi from HaMila Haketuva asks: “On the one hand, Yosef is right. On the other hand, the men in his battalion are fighting. How can he not fight with them?” So asks Amit. How do you answer him?
You can read it too, with me, right? It appears on your screen too, right? Yosef?
Moshe: We don’t hear you. Not sure why…. Ah now we do?
Yosef: Do you hear me?
Moshe: Ah yes, now yes. Do you want to answer Amit?
Yosef: Once more, what was the question?
Moshe: “On the one hand, Yosef is right. On the other –”
Yosef: Yes, I see the question here –
Moshe: Yes, what do you say?
Yosef: O.K., once again, I addressed this point. There is no simple solution. It’s clear that there are two sides. I think that in the current situation, with all the importance of “I am with my brother in his time of trouble” and fighting with my comrades, at the present time, the obligation is to save them, to save them from the crazy situation that they are in than endangers them in order to protect the enemy’s trucks. And with all my sorrow that I am not with them to protect them by force of arms, still, if my actions succeed, I will be protecting them more effectively. That’s how I see things. To summarize, I want to say I want to defend them, I want to defend all the soldiers who are in Gaza. I don’t want anyone to die pointlessly. Without speaking of Jabaliya and what happened there and what we saw yesterday – that’s how I see things. Obviously, I want to fight with them and defend them. In the end, I am doing this for them.
Moshe: I have no doubt that you are doing for them – I want to add my two cents to dear Amit’s question – what are you talking about? This is the greatest service Yosef can perform for his comrades. Courageous people like this must stand up, people who are willing to swim against the tide, who have the bravest hearts, and also great intelligence – intelligence that can stand firm in the face of emotions. Because of course your own emotions pull you to be with your comrades – that’s clear. It’s the intelligence against the emotions, what’s at work here. You need a mind that is sharp and strong to understand the reality – what is called flying according to the instruments, flying in vertigo, according to what you see on the instruments not what you see out the window of the plane. “The environment, and society and the government, the army, and all my friends are there fighting” – that’s emotion. My emotions tell me that the sky is above me… but the intelligence – the flight instruments which are the mind of the plane – tell me the opposite: that what I think is the sky is the land, and what I think is the land is the sky, and Yosef decided to fly his plane according to his mind, according to what the instruments report, and not his imaginings or his emotions. And bottom line, that’s the advice given to all pilots in such a situation. And what Yosef is doing, Amit, he’s saving the lives of his fellow soldiers. He’s influencing more and more of his comrades not to turn themselves into cannon fodder for some politician in a phony war the likes of which we’ve never seen before – that’s the first thing; and the second thing is he’s sending a message to those same politicians that they will not forever be able to build a political career on the backs of these poor soldiers, who still don’t have all the tools, who aren’t armed with the consciousness necessary to fight back against this psychological attack and not participate in this atrocity. Not everyone has experienced over all these years the consciousness raising that we’ve been through together from Zo Artzeinu to Manhigut Yehudit to Zehut up through today.
Yosef: Can I add something Moshe?
Moshe: Yes.
Yosef: About the tangible influence that this action has had. A few days ago, on Memorial Day, I participated in blocking the trucks –
Moshe: We saw.
Yosef: And – besides the importance of the action itself, and I encourage everyone who can to come and join in this – there were also there some police and border police who were of course trying to stop us from blocking the aid. Their mission is to protect the aid and the trucks. Now, always, there are arguments that break out: “Why are you doing this…? You need to object. You don’t have to.” And their answer is always, “You’re not in our shoes. You’re citizens. You don’t know what’s going on here. How things look from there is not how they look from here,” etc. “And I went to them, and I said, “Wait a minute. I was exactly in your situation. I was there. I was supposed to be in Netzarim, protecting trucks. And I decided – No, that I would not do this. You guys are not any less intelligent than I am. You too can do this – you too can succeed in saying No. And those words of mine did have an effect on some of the police I spoke with. The fact that they see someone who really was able to take this action – it influences them very much. So, I am in a position where I can have an immediate effect in that way, where I can go to people and say, “I did this thing. And you can too.”
Moshe: I wish that the soldiers, your fellow soldiers who are there protecting the trucks – that the penny will drop and that they will do to those trucks exactly what you did to the trucks outside. OK. Are they any further questions? Anything else?
Yosef: Yes, I wanted to speak about Jabaliya, about the story of going in and then leaving. When we were in Gaza, I said for about a month we were in Jabaliya, and we were fighting. In fact, we were the last ones in Jabaliya. That is our battalion, we were the last ones there, we folded up our things, and we left Jabaliya empty. OK? So, the perception, what my impression was at the time — no one said anything to us about “repeated raids”, a strategy they’re trying to sell us now, or some post-facto justification, “Yeah, it’s clear that that’s what we were going to do – go in a little, hit them, and then withdraw and then go back.” That is absolutely not what we were told and that is that not the impression we were given at the time. The impression was: we have finished the work. Now we can fold up and move on to other sectors, progress in the war. You understand? And now, we see that – No. We see that we were conned – and that’s how it must be said. We see that Hamas has returned there – and they knew that Hamas would return there. They still have a vast infrastructure and many tunnels, a vast infrastructure that we didn’t begin to touch, and we shouldn’t be surprised that four months after we left there, Hamas has returned, and we’ve already been informed that they have battalions that have returned to operation and that there are tons of food that come there from the aid that’s been stored there for months – that’s the reality. Now, we see, and sadly the soldier from Karnei Shomron who was killed was there, and it pains my heart, because we were there, we captured those places and we cleaned them out, and now all over again, you have to send soldiers to endanger themselves because we are not willing to make this conceptual transition and say, “This is ours and we are here to stay.” This enslaved consciousness is stronger than anything, and we need to liberate ourselves from this. On this point too, we have to say it’s a phony war.
Many people say, “What are you talking about – we also did this in Operation Defensive Shield. In Defensive Shield, we also went in, conquered the place, then went back out, then go in periodically… and the situation is OK.” First of all, the situation in Judea and Samaria is not “OK”. We see that the situation in Judea and Samaria is also beginning to disintegrate and Jenin is turning into a kind of Gaza, and so the situation is not good. But even so, there is a difference, in my opinion and you can tell me if you agree with me – there’s a difference between coming a few years after Oslo when the monster still hasn’t grown much, and striking it, and interfering with its development – and coming against Hamas, where the monster has already been there for twenty years. The monster is there, it exists – and for us to hit it and then say, we hit it and we’re leaving and we defeated it — in this situation, we cannot say – even if the situation in Judea and Samaria were OK, and it’s not – that using the same strategy in Gaza we’ll get the same result we have in Judea and Samaria. That’s how I see things.
Moshe: No, it’s clear – Jenin is territory that is slowly, slowly becoming Gaza, as you said. But when in Operation Defensive Shield, they left Jenin, they didn’t leave Jenin in the condition in which you left Jabaliya, they left Jenin in a condition where it was surrounded, really clean, without some entire subterranean terror city. It was clean of terror, clean of the infrastructure of terror, and surrounded and under the control of the IDF —
Yosef: And with no battalions there.
Moshe: None. There’s no army there that’s organized against you, with tools at their disposal such as those that they have in Gaza. And you go in and leave…. But it’s all just tactical because Jenin is becoming Gaza. In the end Jenin will also because like Gaza, and it’s on its way there, completely. And look, Yosef, what happened on October 8, is that all the wheels spinning in the minds of Netanyahu and Gantz and Herzi HaLevi and the generals who fly back and forth to Washington were occupied with one thing: how can we go back to Oslo? How to bring back Oslo? How to save Oslo, the Oslo consciousness? You and I had in our heads Gush Katif, the Land of Israel that we abandoned and left as a No Man’s Land. And they had in their minds Oslo. And when I say “They,” I speak of Netanyahu and of Gallant as one.
Look at what’s going on now. They don’t know what to do. Everyone is speaking of “The Day After”. They’re trying to think up solutions. At first no one dared to say, “Let’s bring in Fatah. Let’s bring in Abu Mazen” – because what? Because we had soldiers killed to transfer the land from Terrorist A to Terrorist B – what’s the point of that? So, we didn’t speak of this– but we did it. We did everything to make such a transfer possible. And everyone knows that if indeed such a transfer were feasible, they would have jumped on it — and called it by all kinds of new names, like Fatah was called the “Palestinian Authority,” and it would be exactly the same thing. But what can be done? They’re stuck. They tried to call it this and that, and none of it works and none of it will work. And all these players, from the right and the left, as one, and from America, as one, are faced with the reality that there is no other option. Because Sinwar – may his name be obliterated – is no sucker. He’s not going to let anyone else come in instead of him. And that’s the situation.
So, what’s happening? Galant had already made an agreement with Gantz last Passover. In the Likud, no one counted Galant as a member of the coalition. It was clear that he would go with Gantz. Gantz decided that the time has come to detach from the Unity Government because there’s no solution there. Galant wants to go with him. So he creates a crisis. What’s the crisis? “Bibi won’t agree to bring in Abu Mazen. Bibi wants us to rule there.” Now, Bibi doesn’t want us to rule there, and he’s said that from the first moment: “we don’t plan to conquer Gaza.” Bibi doesn’t want to return to Gaza, as Galant accuses him of wanting to do. Galant, on the other hand, knows there’s no chance of bringing in Fatah. So, both sides are lying – Galant in accusing Bibi of wanting to rule in Gaza when he doesn’t want to and can’t. In other words both sides are playing politics to score points with their respective camps. Galant wants to show that he’s loyal to Oslo, to the idea that Fatah will protect us instead of the IDF. So he speaks that way so that he can ally himself with Gantz. And Bibi is doing the same thing, he says “I will never permit there to be Fatah-stan here instead of Hamastan” as if this weren’t the man who shook hands with Arafat, who gave the speech at Bar Ilan, who freed Sinwar, who sent him money. And it’s obvious to everyone that he would jump on opportunity to do so if anyone gave him the opportunity, even the Devil himself. Political grandstanding.
And between the lack of vision of the Left and Galant and Gantz and the lack of vision of the Right, of Netanyahu and the whole right side of the map, fall the soldiers. Fall the soldiers. Instead of the simple fact that the opportunity was given to us on a silver platter – people are always saying to me, “You don’t understand, it’s impossible, America, a whole world out there, America, Russia, China, Bibi’s doing what he can” — but there are moments when, not only is something possible, but it’s impossible not to do it. Here you see that there is no other actor who is willing to take on the responsibility. You have to declare Israeli Sovereignty there. You have to have Israeli Military rule there. There is nothing else you can do. And still you do the opposite of what logic dictates – because you’re afraid of your vision. You’re so stuck in the vision of Oslo that this perception of “Oh no – anything but Gaza” is stronger for that the atrocities of October 7th. You’re willing to endanger yourself with the possibility of another October 7th – just so that we don’t rebuild Gush Katif. It’s so psycho – so crazy.
And it’s not connected to any pressure from the Americans. All the weapons from the Americans we only need in order not to win, in order to keep shelling and shelling without winning. In order to win, we don’t need any American weapons. Maybe you and I should also discuss this in relation to your experience there. I’m telling you — the whole system of operation there — to win all we had to do is turn off the faucet and send in a few bulldozers. In order to win, you have to want to win. We don’t want to win, and so obviously we’re not winning. We’re not winning. We’re staying there, seven – eight months already, we’re there seven or eight months, and all that time we cover up with a lot of firepower, and smart explosions, and air force our lack of will and therefore lack of ability to win. And in addition to all this – more and more casualties.
So, your way – I very, very much hope than many others will join you on it.
Yosef: May I add one final point, Moshe?
Moshe: In fact, I have no doubt that many already have joined you just not as publicly as you did.
Yosef: I want to add one final, optimistic point. One of the criticisms I received — and it’s not just I who received it: anyone who speaks of the phony war or who says that soldiers are endangered senselessly – immediately people criticize him, especially the bereaved families: “What – our sons fell for no purpose?” That’s what people say to us. “How dare you?” And it’s a painful and hard point. It’s very ugly – this thing. It’s hard to stand face to face to this.
First, if it’s the truth, sadly, as painful as it is, we need to say the truth. Because as important as it is not to hurt the feelings of the grieving families, it’s even more important that there should be no additional bereaved families. But one additional point, that I have been thinking about recently, is, in the final reckoning, it may be that the soldiers who fell in this war were indeed the victims of a leadership that sacrificed them senselessly in a phony war, and they didn’t need to be in harm’s way. But if from within all this pain and all this loss comes an awakening and a liberation from this mental enslavement, if the people of Israel move upward and develop new leadership that can save us, then all this death and all this loss, it will be clear, will not have been in vain.
And this is an important point. The campaign doesn’t end here. We can from within this thing build something new. Many people are waking up. If we build this new consciousness and new leadership, then all the heroes that fell will have contributed their part to it. That’s how I see things.
Moshe: Yosef, you are saying something so important. I want with your permission, to repeat it, in my own words because for me too, it was very hard – for me too, it took a long time – in the past, I did not speak this way, despite the fact that I felt these things. I always thought – the bereaved families, how can one speak this way – what will the families think when they hear these words?
And really, the reason to speak is the first one you gave: it’s more important to prevent further casualties than to protect the feelings of the bereaved families. But what you’re saying now, is much more than that. We are not saying the truth only to prevent something; we also understand that the actions we are taking in the public and social and political arenas and the new consciousness and new leadership that we are building come from this pain and on the foundation of this pain which opens our minds and frees our attention to build an alternative, so that these things never happen again. And retroactively, we can say that the actions that we are taking at this moment in Zehut, in the Zehut movement, these are the actions that give meaning to this sacrifice.
These are things that are very important and very deep and which encourage and give me a lot of strength. Thank you very much.
Yosef: You’re welcome. Thank you, Moshe, for everything.
Moshe: Congratulations to you. Well done.

The Temple War ('Al-Aqsa Flood'), which began on October 7, 2023, is in fact a war of barbarism against human civilization – a war that threatens to eradicate civilization.

It is no coincidence that Progressivism has joined forces with Islam in a joint struggle against Israel and Judaism. Progressivism and Islam are two ideologies aimed at dismantling civilization – Progressivism by eliminating identity and Islam by eliminating freedom. As we see in major Western universities, these two ideologies are now joining together against the herald of identity and freedom – that is, against Judaism, which is the foundation of Judeo-Christian (Western) civilization, the foundation that brought the belief in one God and the Ten Commandments to the world. 'Progressivism' abolished "I am the Lord" and "Honor thy father and thy mother", Islam abolished "Thou shalt not steal" and "Thou shalt not murder" – and without all of these, civilization is not possible.

In the end, Israel will connect to its identity and universal message, as it will have no other choice. Then, not only will Israel's victory be assured, but the victory and progress of civilization as a whole.

Nothing in this war unfolded as Israel expected and prepared for: Technology did not help on the security front, and victimhood did not help on the propaganda front.

When the extent of the atrocities became known, official Israel and numerous well-intentioned Israeli and Jewish organizations mobilized to spread images of the hostages and descriptions of the horrors around the world. For a rare moment of "grace", it seemed that the people of Israel could once again take shelter in the halo of victimhood and the principle of the right to self-defense, as it was after the Holocaust.

However, to everyone's astonishment, it turned out that the images of the hostages were angrily torn from notice boards around the world, and even the horror videos did not give Israel legitimacy . Not only did the world's sympathy not fall upon Israel as a result of the atrocities, but on the contrary, anti-Semitism skyrocketed and the world's sympathy for Hamas rose to unprecedented levels. Many countries declared official recognition of the "Palestinian" state, Israel was sued at the International Court of Justice in The Hague, and even the United States, our "great friend", began to impose sanctions against Israel (while easing sanctions against its enemies). Israel, which sought to base the justice of its existence on foreign values, found itself again at a disadvantage.

Deep in its collective consciousness, humanity expected a completely different response. The worst had come. The essence of Nazi and Muslim evil joined together on that bitter morning, and in the most graphic, documented, and publicized way, the monster appeared at the doorstep of the Jewish state.

This evil was not just a security challenge, it was a much deeper moral challenge.

Deep in its collective consciousness, humanity watched the spectacle of horror and its two poles – the good and the evil – and waited to see what the Jewish people who had returned to their national stature and established a state and an army in the Holy Land would do. How would the People of the Book, who carry the message of the prophets, deal with the Islamo-Nazi challenge that exploded in their home?

Humanity's faithful side, its civilized side, its conservative side – the side that sought to draw on the return to Zion and Israel's message in order to overcome the forces of darkness that emerged from within it – the humanity of the Bible and the Ten Commandments, the humanity of the Balfour Declaration, expected a moral statement that would leave no room for such evil to manifest in the world. There would have been nothing more moral than the destruction of Gaza in a firestorm reminiscent of Dresden and Hamburg in World War II. Only the immediate expulsion of all surviving Gaza residents beyond the Egyptian border or to any other direction, only a complete destruction of the entire terror enclave that had taken up residence on the western coast of the Israeli Negev, only the imposition of full Israeli sovereignty and the blossoming of the entire region with thriving Israeli settlements, would have clearly signaled the victory of light over darkness.

But mankind's dark side was also holding its breath and carefully examining the behavior of the children of the prophets. The forces that would destroy Western civilization also waited impatiently to see what would happen next.

And when the Jews began to hesitate and ask themselves what the purpose of the war was, when they began to spread the images of the horrors themselves, when it became clear that even in the face of the greatest of horrors, the Jews had no message or value in whose name they went to war other than the value of self-defense, then it was proven that even when the Jews returned to the stage of history, there remained a place for evil in the world.

And in a world where there remains room for such pure evil, there is no room for Jews and no place for their state.
Sent from Proton Mail Android